When Dreams of Nationhood Collide with Dreams of Empire |
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| Written by Kendall R. Giberson |
| Monday, 24 March 2008 19:00 |
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Many of those observing the evolution of the European Union say that one component of the new organization is the development of a more ‘European’ identity amongst its citizens rather than a strict nationalistic identity. This is ironic in a sense, as past empires such as those centered in Britain, Austria-Hungary, Russia/Soviet Union, Germany, Italy and even Ottoman Turkey sought to eliminate nationalist sentiments in securing their sovereignty. The 20th century gave way to nation-states after the empires collapsed. Now, a pan-European identity seems to be taking hold on the continent. The one exception is in the former Yugoslavia, where the dream of creating a nation-state in Kosovo is conflicting with the dream of Serbs re-creating a semblance of their ancient empire that existed long ago.  How and when the problems in this region began depends on who you ask. It could be traced back to the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991, the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, the creation of the communist Yugoslav state after the Second World War, the fall of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires, or even back to Roman times, when the present region was divided between the western and eastern Roman empires. Nevertheless, a wave of nationalism brewed for some time, and Slovenes, Croatians, Bosnians, Macedonians and Albanians wanted their own states, while the Serbians wanted to keep Serb-dominated Yugoslavia intact. The Balkan wars saw the Slovenes and Croats easily win their independence, while Bosnia won the same after a long and costly conflict that saw United Nations intervention. Serbia also lost the republics of Macedonia and Montenegro to secession and the Kosovars declared their own independence just a few weeks ago.
Yugoslavia under Tito promoted itself as a model multiethnic, multicultural state. But after Tito’s death, the world saw that a fragmented society existed beneath the veneer of tolerance. And now, history could repeat itself if an internal conflict escalated to involve major players. As in the First World War, a single gunshot ignited the so-called "War to End All Wars". Today, the issue of Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia has divided many powerful countries. For instance, Serbia can count on the support of the once-again powerful big brother Russia, ready to reassert itself as a world power. On the other side, as of March 2008, some 30 countries have recognized Kosovo as an independent state, including the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Austria, Turkey and Canada. Other than Serbia and Russia, states refusing to recognize Kosovo include neighbouring Romania, Venezuela, and several ex-Soviet republics in the Caucasus and Central Asia. In the weeks succeeding the Kosovar declaration of independence, expat Serbians staged protests in several cites around the world, including the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and Australia. There were even demonstrations in Canada staged to pressure the Canadian government to come out and take a position against official recognition of Kosovo. Former Prime Minister Jean Chretien stated in February that the initial indecision on the question of recognition is due to a reluctance to take a side opposing most of its western allies by not recognizing Kosovo, and a reluctance to fuel the separatist movement in Quebec by recognizing the new state. What we are seeing here is the last bastion of old-style empire in Serbia. Old-style empires are forged and maintained at the end of a sword or rifle and one ethnic group dominates over another group or several groups. The new kind of empire, as seen in Europe, is an economic one built through trade, and one in which members join willingly for the sake of economic prosperity and security, where no ethnic group is supposed to dominate another. Why else would Slovenia and Croatiafight so hard for independence from Yugoslavia, only to surrender some aspects of their sovereignty and join the EU just a few years later? It is difficult to predict the outcome of the situation between Serbia and its breakaway region of Kosovo. If the rest of the world treats it as an internal matter, as with the Russian situation in Chechnya, we may have another Bosnian-style war on our hands. And if other countries intercede, who is to say there will not be an escalation. One thing remains true in the Balkans: the dream of a Greater Serbia has not died.
© 2008 Kendall Giberson; licensee (Cult)ure Magazine.
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The problem here is that Serbia is unlikely to allow Kosovo to gain nationhood without a fight. The region of Kosovo has historically been considered an important part of Serbia. Beginning with the Ottoman conquests six-hundred years ago, the area saw the immigration of ethnic Albanians, who now outnumber other groups ten to one. Prior to the Ottoman conquest, Serbia's Nemanjic Dynasty ruled over the most powerful state in southeastern Europe – a prosperous time that still resonates in Serbian culture today. While non-Serbians saw the collapse of the authoritarian communist state as an opportunity to assert independent nation-sates as in other parts of Europe, Serbia saw an opportunity to recreate the glory days under the double-headed eagle.
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